This is not dissimilar SGHET’s own mission ‘to recognise the importance of heritage, history, and environment issues in South Glasgow and to implement a strategy towards greater knowledge for all.’ [2]

But while historic and heritage trusts are founded on the belief that historic places matter, the work to preserve and protect South Glasgow’s built environment is not solely the purview of heritage organisations.

Kinning Park Complex

For example, on 3 May 1996, residents of South Glasgow began a 55-day sit-in to save the Kinning Park Complex, built in 1911 as an addition to the Lambhill Street School.  In 1976, it was converted to a neighbourhood centre that offered a significant benefit to local residents.

However, when the Council scheduled it for closure in 1996, the community rallied and was eventually given stewardship of the building.  Though it has seen challenges with funding and maintenance since then, due to community involvement and heritage funding, a newly refurbished centre is scheduled to reopen this year. [3]

Govanhill Baths

Likewise, the Govanhill Baths, built in 1914, were threatened with closure in 2001.  On 21 March 2001, several residents occupied the building , some even chaining themselves to the cubicles.  On 7 August 2001, the Battle of Calder Street ensued when the Council and police tried to forcibly remove the Save Our Pool protestors. (N.B. The original protest website has been preserved online and can be viewed here.)

The successful occupation lasted a total of 140 days, the longest ever of a British public building, and in 2004, the Govanhill Baths Community Trust was formed to refurbish the building and return it to public use. [4]

The campaign to reopen the baths has gone on for over 20 years with adaptive restoration now finally commenced, and in the meantime, Govanhill Baths, a grass-roots activist organisation, used the space – and uses other places locally –  to provide ‘wide-ranging health, wellbeing, arts, environmental and heritage projects’ in an effort to regenerate the neighbourhood and meet the needs of the community. [5]

Govanhill Baths’ current website includes an archive of the building’s importance to Govanhill over the past 100+ years, which includes oral histories of residents describing their experiences at the Baths. [6]

It is clear that historic places matter, not only as heritage from the past but as part of our present and future well-being.  They are places where people come together and where a sense of community thrives, especially when they are championed by neighbourhood-based groups.

While we may come from vastly different backgrounds, the built heritage of South Glasgow is something we all share.  Part of the purpose of the South Glasgow Heritage and Environment Trust is to foster this sense of community among the people who live south of the Clyde, whether we have lived here for generations or are new arrivals.

Our built heritage has an impact on us, whether we are fully aware of it or not.  But why is this?  Why do historic places matter? And why should city planners and urban developers care?

These very questions were posed in a study led by Dr Rebecca Madgin of the University of Glasgow.  In their recent report Why Do Historic Places Matter? Emotional Attachments to Urban Heritage, Dr Madgin and her team sought to answer two questions:

1. How and why do people develop emotional attachments to historic urban places?
2. How do these attachments influence decision making within the urban environment?

Using evidence from Scotland and England primarily focused on the time period from 1975 to 2019, the findings of the report were supported by analyses of documents, as well as oral histories and ‘workshops which captured the thoughts and feelings of people involved with and/or impacted by urban change, including built environment professionals and local residents.’ [7]

Emotional connections are magnified in times of change

Dr Madgin’s project recognised the fact that emotional attachments are often not worn on our sleeves and rise to the surface most often during times of change.  This is clearly demonstrated by the efforts to save community buildings in Kinning Park and Govanhill and the continued work of groups like SGHET and the National Trust for Scotland. [8]

The report noted that previous research had tended to focus on economic or sustainability outcomes, but it argued for the need of ‘more engagement with the emotional dimensions of heritage by demonstrating just some of the ways in which emotion…shapes the reasons why and extent to which historic urban places can continue to matter.’ [9]

It is of note that this is exactly how the Kinning Park Complex addressed its own refurbishment, by hiring New Practice, an architectural group that aims ‘to connect people with the decision making processes that underpin the urban experience.’ [10]

Unfortunately, though, urban developers have often not given much regard to the emotional impact of change on communities, whether it be positive, negative, or neutral.  This was one of the major issues during the housing development boom in mid-century Glasgow, when residents were moved from homes in communities where they had lived, sometimes for generations, and alienated in high-rise flats that were likened to ‘an architectural representation of a filing cabinet’ by Jimmy Reid in 1972. [11]

Instead, Dr Madgin’s team, among others working in heritage, notes that more value can be given to people-centred approaches, rather than solely relying on top-down, expert-based decision-making processes.  Doing so would offer ‘a rebalance between what is valued and who ascribes value [in order to increase] focus on pluralising heritage values in ways that can include different voices and places.’ [12]  In other words, the communities where historic places exist would have some say in determining the landscape of their built heritage.

Old Victoria Infirmary incident in February 2022

It is clear, however, that developers and the Council are still hit-and-miss in the ways they engage communities in meaningful ways before selling, repurposing, closing down, or demolishing the South Glasgow built heritage.

Most recently, there was public outcry when Sanctuary tore down the iconic 133-year-old cupolas of the Old Victoria Infirmary after failing to adequately engage with community groups who proactively sought to give input and were largely ignored.

In 2018, a community-led group called the Victoria Forum made several public attempts to address Sanctuary’s masterplan with regard to development of the formerly public-owned building, noting specifically the insufficient attention paid to a ‘lack of social or economic analysis’ and ‘public realm and place-making outside the site boundary.’ [13]

While the group made recommendations that were generally more focused on best use and outcomes, they also acknowledged the impact redevelopment of the Old Victoria Infirmary would have on social bonds and identity.

Sanctuary, rather than meeting with the Victoria Forum or attending any of the many community sessions they hosted, responded that their ‘wide-ranging consultation process saw more than 600 people attend a series of open sessions to express their views on the design and redevelopment of the site’ and that the ‘vast majority of local residents [were] happy with the outcome and cannot wait to see our plans come to life.’ [14]

However, 600 people is arguably not an adequate representation of the community, and there is no indication as to what was discussed at these sessions or what the local residents were specifically ‘happy with’. [15]  One can convincingly argue, though, that based on the sustained response from the Victoria Forum and the shock exhibited by locals when the cupolas were destroyed, neither Sanctuary nor the Council adequately addressed public needs and emotional attachments to the old building.

On Twitter, Past Glasgow wrote, ‘I was standing near the gate and nearly every person who walked past was looking at and talking about the destruction.  The sense that something has been lost was palpable.’1⁶  Luckily, the B-listed administrative block, the Gatehouse building, and the Nightingale Pavilions will escape the same fate.

Langside Hall

In contrast, a larger segment of the community has already been engaged to provide input regarding changes in use at Langside Hall, which is owned by the Council and managed by Glasgow Life.  In 1902, the building was painstakingly moved from Queen Street to its current location in Queen’s Park to fulfil the Council’s commitment to provide the Southside with a public building.

There was little investment in the upkeep of the building from about the 1970s on, and once the upper floor had deteriorated to unsafe conditions and the boiler failed in 2017, the building was closed.  Langside Halls Trust has taken on the responsibility of conducting a feasibility study, securing funding, and ensuring community engagement to reopen the building as ‘a fully accessible, larger (40%) and more flexible venue, with more social space and one that is environmentally sustainable for a building that is Grade A listed.’ [17]

As the Trust began to gather feedback from the community, they found that of the respondents to a questionnaire regarding use, over 80% would like to see films and live music, 79% would like a theatre, 74% wanted space for art exhibitions, and over 60% were interested in comedy shows and classes for exercise, arts, and crafts. [18]

While full funding has yet to be fully secured, both Architectural Heritage Fund Scotland and Glasgow City Heritage Trust are currently on board, and there is hope that some funding might be forthcoming from the Council’s People Make Glasgow Communities initiative. [19]

So while the preservation of historic sites is difficult to guarantee, it seems clear that such places are important to the heritage and well-being of local communities.  The desire of so many local residents to maintain the use and their everyday experience of places such as the Kinning Park Complex, Govanhill Baths, and Langside Hall, as well as the dismay at the loss of the everyday sight of the Old Victoria Infirmary cupolas on the Southside’s landscape demonstrate that historic places do matter.

The people of the Southside do have emotional attachments to their built heritage, and developers and government entities should, as Dr Madgin urges, take a greater interest in this reality as they plan for inevitable change.

By Erin Burrows

Published 16th March 2022

References

[1] National Trust for Scotland, ‘What We Do’, National Trust for Scotland (National Trust for Scotland, 2022), https://www.nts.org.uk/ <https://www.nts.org.uk/what-we-do> [accessed 14 February 2022].

[2] ‘About Us’, SGHET <https://sghet.com/about-us/> [accessed 14 February 2022].

[3] ‘About’, Kinning Park Complex <https://www.kinningparkcomplex.org/about> [accessed 14 February 2022].

[4] ‘Occupy: 20th Anniversary Celebrations’, Govanhill Baths, 2021 <https://www.govanhillbaths.com/archive/occupy-2/> [accessed 14 February 2022].

[5] ‘Govanhill Baths’, Govanhill Baths <https://www.govanhillbaths.com/> [accessed 14 February 2022].

[6] ‘Before Closure’, Govanhill Baths, 2020 <https://www.govanhillbaths.com/archive/before-closure/> [accessed 14 February 2022].

[7] Rebecca Madgin, Why Do Historic Places Matter? Emotional Attachments to Urban Heritage <https://www.gla.ac.uk/schools/socialpolitical/research/urbanstudies/projects/whydohistoricplacesmatter/> [accessed 16 March 2022], (Glasgow: University of Glasgow, 2021), p. 1.

[8] Madgin, p. 8.

[9] Madgin, p. 8.

[10] ‘New Practice’, New Practice <https://new-practice.co.uk> [accessed 14 February 2022].

[11] James Reid, Alienation (Glasgow: University of Glasgow, 1972), p. 10.

[12] Madgin, p. 1.

[13] Victoria Forum, ‘Victoria Forum Responds to Developer Masterplan’, Victoria Forum, 2018 <https://newoldvickydotorg.wordpress.com/2018/01/21/victoria-forum-responds-to-developer-masterplan/> [accessed 4 March 2022].

[14] ‘Council Criticised for Failure to Support Community during Victoria Infirmary Development’, Glasgow Times <https://www.glasgowtimes.co.uk/news/16832820.council-criticised-failure-support-community-victoria-infirmary-development/> [accessed 4 March 2022].

[15] ‘Council Criticised’.

[16] Past Glasgow (@PastGlasgow, 21 February 2022), ‘I was standing near the gate and nearly every person who walked past was looking at and talking about the destruction.  The sense that something has been lost was palpable.’ (tweet) <https://twitter.com/PastGlasgow/status/1495844779363549190> [accessed 4 March 2022].

[17] Langside Area Partnership, ‘Update, Langside Halls Trust’ (Glasgow City Council, 2021) <https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/Councillorsandcommittees/viewDoc.asp?c=P62AFQDNZL2U0GT1DN> [accessed 4 March 2022].

[18] Drew Sandelands and Gary Armstrong, ‘Langside Halls Revamp Proposal Released as Glaswegians Asked to Give Their Views’, GlasgowLive, 2021 <https://www.glasgowlive.co.uk/news/langside-halls-revamp-proposal-released-19821827> [accessed 4 March 2022].

[19] Langside Area Partnership, p. 1.

Further reading:

Borysławski, Rafał, and Alicja Bemben, eds., Emotions as Engines of History (Oxon: Routledge, 2022)

Contested Histories in Public Spaces: Principles, Processes, Best Practices (London: International Bar Association, 2021)

Maerker, Anna, Simon Sleight, and Adam Sutcliffe, eds., History, Memory and Public Life: The Past in the Present (London: Routledge, 2018)

Marchant, Alicia, ed., Historicising Heritage and Emotions: The Affective Histories of Blood, Stone and Land (Oxon: Routledge, 2019)

Martin, Claire, and Charles Landry, ‘Charles Landry: Applying Emotional Intelligence’, Landscape Architecture Australia, 151, 2016, 40–43

Scottish Government, Our Place in Time: The Historic Environment Strategy for Scotland (Edinburgh: Scottish Government, 2014)

Sullivan, Gavin Brent, ‘Collective Pride, Happiness, and Celebratory Emotions’, in Collective Emotions, ed. by Christian von Scheve and Mikko Salmela (Oxford University Press, 2014), pp. 266–80

The post New Report: Why Do Historic Places Matter? appeared first on SGHET.

In August last year I posted an article on our blog attempting to give an overview of the story of the Pollok Free State. It spoke about the protest camp and the campaigns in the 1980s and early 1990s against the M77 motorway extension through southside communities. Since the article we have received some incredible donations to the SGHET Archive to help document and illustrate this story and piece of local heritage.

Donations of newspaper clippings, grassroots zines, posters and publications give some great details and insight into the story. Media clippings show the varying ways the media portrayed the protestors and the camp and items from the camp itself, like the PFS University enrolment form, give insight into the driving forces behind the movement. The collection also shows the work involved in organising the campaign of protest and how to inform and engage individuals and communities.

Thanks to these generous donations there is a lot to be found within the archive. The selection here speaks to the legacy of the protests and the camp, and  is punctuated throughout with memories and reflections on Pollok Free State from individuals who spent time in the camp.

Protests in the Media

A double-page spread in the Evening Times, October 1994, showing a photograph of the road construction cutting through large green fields with houses in the distance. A graphic on the left charts the route of the motorway through different communities amidst opposition, and includes an image of Arden bridge with the words “No death M-way. We don’t need” spray painted in red.

“The planned concrete will swallow up 95,000 square yards of rural land – some of it in Pollok estate. The land is recognised by Glasgow City Council as an important site of interest to nature conservation. The region can do nothing about this.”

The hotline listed also reported 68% of callers as being opposed to the road but also reported some individuals flooding the phone lines and voting repeatedly.

This poster was created as part of the S.T.A.R.R (Stop The Ayr Road Route) campaign to inform and engage Glasgow’s southside communities in opposition of the motorway extension. Designed to be hung in windows as a show of support, one side shows an image of trees in Pollok Estate and the words NO M77 overlaid. On the other, a timeline traces the proposals for and protests against, the motorway. It starts with the gifting of the Pollok Estate to the people of Glasgow and ends with the formation of the Pollok Free State camp.

The poster also details the aims of the S.T.A.R.R group, the organisations that form it, what people could do to get involved, and upcoming events of note. The events include a family day, a big shared meal at the camp, and a public meeting in City Halls. Notably, it also declares August 20^th as Pollok Free State Independence Day (by complete coincidence we were only 4 days off sharing our original blog post).

This 1994 photograph from The Scotsman shows protestors sitting with the NO M77 posters outside a council meeting. The story below reports on protestors breaking into the meeting.

The Scottish Daily Mail (March 1995) has a front-page banner dedicated to the “dramatic report and pictures.”

Researcher Dr Wallace McNeish on the legacies of Pollok Free State:

“While the anti-M77 alliance was ultimately unsuccessful in achieving its aims of stopping this particular motorway from being built, it was nevertheless part of a successful UK-wide protest movement against the then Tory government’s £23bn Roads for Prosperity programme. At its height in the mid-1990s, this movement included over 300 local opposition groups, with high-profile direct-action protests taking place at Twyford Down, Wanstead, Batheaston, Newbury and Fairmile as well as the south-side of Glasgow. What protests like those centred on the Pollok Free State showed was that very different constituencies of people can be together in dialogue and united action around a common cause. In the run-up to the 1997 General Election the government was under such political pressure that it slashed its unpopular road-building programme by more than two-thirds to £6bn and abandoned the most contentious of its remaining plans.”

Photograph showing women wearing face masks and holding a hand-painted banner that reads “for our children NO M77” with the lower half of the banner obscured. The article states that the protest was part of International Women’s Day and notes that the Pollok area is above average for asthma rates in children.

Women’s Environmental Network flyer with overleaf giving information on air pollution and offering advice on how to protest and take action against air pollution.

An image in the Daily Record (1994) shows a pair of protestors passing the time with some music at the offices of a construction firm Tarmac on Nithsdale Road.

Wallace McNeish:

“Sometimes environmentalism is painted as a middle-class type of politics that is cut off from the lives of so called ‘ordinary people.’  What the Pollok protests showed was that this is far from always the case. The residents of the Free State were often locals themselves – including its founder Colin MacLeod – and it simply could not have been developed over approximately two years without support from the adjacent working-class estates. Indeed, a key legacy of the Free State is the Gal-Gael Trust which grew out of Colin and Gehan Macleod’s commitment to providing training for the unemployed in Glasgow’s south-side communities.”

“It is notable that the eco-activism of the mid-1990s around the roads issue did not tend to frame the issue in terms of climate change – instead the issues of sustainability, pollution and amenity were to the forefront. It is also the case that new non-violent direct-action tactics were pioneered by Free State activists and other anti-road protesters, and have become part and parcel of the tactical repertoire of subsequent generations of eco-activists protesting unsustainable development, like the Extinction Rebellion movement.”

Inside the Camp

The Pollok Free State Passport above shows the symbol of PFS with figures in a circular emblem and details of foliage, animals, plants, and tools. In August 1994, when PFS declared independence these passports were handed out to over 1000 “citizens.”

The passport has sections inside to fill out details of passport number, Pollok name, adopted tree, and folds out into the Declaration of Independence, featuring a quote from Robert Burns’ “The Tree of Liberty.” The declaration references the history of land ownership in Scotland and outlines the need for connection to place and land for health and wellbeing.

Local protestor Helen Melone on her memories of a Free State:

“When I first visited Pollok as part of the protests, my favourite area was a patch of trees which were all cut down at the St Valentine’s Day Massacre. I’d adopted one of those trees as my own friendly tree and climbed it every time I went, even though there were a few rotten branches at the top. I’d put a rope round the trunk to help me climb it more easily.”

Above is a 3D scan of a stone carving by Colin Macleod from Pollok Free State. You can view the model in ‘matcap’ through the model inspector to see the skill of the stonework and the detail of the design. The design features Pollok Free State symbols, Earth First logos, elements referencing Native American and Aboriginal land rights, and Celtic stone carving akin to the medieval Govan school of design featuring interlace and hunter figures.

Feature on Pollok Free State campsite in the Spectrum section of Scotland on Sunday (1995). Images show a treehouse in Pollok Free State, with windows and a tarpaulin roof, and a banner hanging from the tree reading ‘RESPECT’, and view of the camp with a fire in the centre, seats, ladders, sculptures and sun coming through the trees. The journalist recalls spending time in the camp and speaking to those involved, giving a feel of the atmosphere:

“The gain outweighs the sacrifice. It’s a community, with warmth, companionship, shared meals around the fire, the healthy tiredness of the fresh air at the end of the day, the self-esteem of doing something worthwhile […] for every set of dreadlocks, every Visigoth t-shirt or willie winkie knitted hat, there is a campaigner in a Gore-tex anorak with newsreader hair. The startling thing is how wide a cross-section – of nationality, class, subculture – the campaigners represent.”

Wallace McNeish:

“During 1995 and 1996 I was a young Glasgow University PhD student who spent considerable time researching the protests against the M77 extension as part of a wider sociology project on the then burgeoning anti-roads protest movement in the UK. The Pollok Free State was the epicentre hub that facilitated and sustained a vital alliance between young radical eco-activists and community activists from the surrounding estates of Pollok and Corkerhill. I observed as the Free State morphed from a few tents around a campfire into a fortified encampment with outposts along the M77 route during its protest-action phase, to eventually become a colourful education oriented eco-hamlet with a wood-workshop, large central tree-house, public artworks, gardens, paths, and even a compost-toilet. My daughter Catriona was only a toddler at the time, and I remember her joy at the totem poles, walkways, and colourful spectacle of this ‘dear green place’ in the woods. Most of all though I remember the warmth and helpfulness of the people involved.”

Pollok Free State University enrolment form. Describes some of the activities at the camp that would have involved workshops and talks. The curriculum includes social history, living skills and creativity.

Postcard references the Criminal Justice Bill. Overleaf is handwritten note that reads “Hi Bigs, Got your call, hope to see you soon. I am going to Pollok this weekend. Tell Robo I miss him very much!!! Lots of love and peace, your big pal Big Ben”. The protests at Pollok Free State were also tied into protesting the Criminal Justice Act as it was passed in part to quell public gatherings and could be used to disband and remove the camp.

Helen Melone :

“I did spend a few overnights in tree houses and I’ve never been so cold in my life. My own flat in the West End was pretty poverty-stricken as well (no hot water and only a gas heater to stay warm) but it was better than staying in the camp. I remember having good conversations with Walter Morrison and he was the one who explained it best – how whole communities, like Corkerhill, were going to be cut off from each other by a huge, big road and cut off from their green spaces too. It was hard to imagine this, as plans and drawings didn’t quite convey the enormity of it all.”

Photo in Scotland on Sunday (February 1995), of carhenge stunt, showing upended and burnt out car, spray painted with NO M77, dug into the construction landscape for the motorway. The article details attempts by campaigners to drum up support, and quotes a conversation with a local woman and her children protesting in the camp.

Helen Melone:

“I remember there being a good balance of people from the local area at various points. I would meet interesting women who had different experiences of activism than me – I made some friends I’m still in touch with today many years later! The poverty-stricken flat I shared with my pal Iain hosted a load of people from Manchester Earth First, who came along to show their support and offered to help out – this was also the same night where a few of us stayed up all night making banners out of hospital sheets (saying No M77) with the intent of hanging them from the Finnieston crane the next day. All the people I met, whether fun, interesting or dangerous were worth getting to know, and all brought something different to my life.”

Earth First! “Busted in defence of mother earth?” leaflet giving advice on what to do if arrested during a protest. Offers contacts for legal support, and gives advice on rights if stopped, detained, or arrested.

The collection also holds a selection of documents from the Earth First offices (not pictured) that give great insight into the practicalities of organising the campaign of opposition to the M77, such as a booklet on how to liaise with the media, so how to contact news desks and journalists, and the importance of making sure your version of events reaches audiences. It also included different iterations of “the phone tree”’ a handwritten document with a changing series of numbers to call when security arrived at the camp, so that they could get people down to the camp to oppose eviction attempts or tree cuttings.

Helen Melone :

“I remember the day of 14th February (Valentine’s Day Massacre) where they activated the phone tree early – might have been as early as 5am, saying the diggers were coming into the camp. I don’t remember exactly how I got there from the West End, bus maybe – but I remember running through the back woods trying to get there faster, amid the awful sound of trees groaning as they were cut down (I still remember that to this day – a horrible groaning noise that could be heard from far away). When I got to the camp, all the trees on the other side of the wood (including my friendly tree) were all down and it was a mess over there – looked like a wasteland.”

Image in Scotland on Sunday (1995) of construction workers with chainsaws. Caption reads: “Chainsaw massacre…In the face of mounting protests the company is considering bypassing the gathering of tree houses, teepees and totem poles known as the Pollok Free State.”

Legacy and Changing Relationships with Green Space

This photograph of a protestor dressed as death holding sign that says M77 pollution kills, is featured in an article in The Evening Times (March 1995) written by the Secretary at the north Pollok community council. They write about the adverse effects on the low health of the disadvantaged areas involved and about media attempts to smear the camp as outsiders and rent-a-mob.

Helen Melone :

“I think perhaps people took their outdoor space for granted, until recently with COVID-19 and lots of lockdowns, people are really discovering their local areas and valuing them much more. I think Pollok Park is different from many other parks in Glasgow because it’s a country park and it really does feel that you are away from the city and the traffic when you’re in it.

I remember one night at the camp, there was a party on, and I walked along the pre-road surface right to the river Cart and I sat down at the edge of the bank for hours. It felt like a different planet.

Now, my favourite part of the park is Rhododendron Walk and the continuation Lime Avenue over the hill down towards Pollok House. If you go in May, the rhododendrons are flowering and they’re so beautiful and colourful. So my first connection with Pollok Park was a feeling of having something wild, feeling like it belongs to me and the second time it gave me the feeling of being away from the city.

While we didn’t stop the road, it showed what we can do when we work together. It also shows what power the press has (which we were speaking to as much as we could) so there’s many skills I have from that campaign – working with people who could be really difficult to engage with, and it was really difficult to get consensus and agreement on things. It felt like one of those forming experiences you have in your life – it might not be pleasant, there’s good and there’s bad but you come away from it and know that something has fundamentally changed in you.”

This photograph shows protestors on the Finnieston crane and the title accompanying it reads “I’ll go back to the peace camps!” – Stewart’s promise after an incident where the councillor brandished an axe at protestors in the camp. (Unknown paper or date).

Conclusion

We would like to extend a massive thank you for the generous donations from the people from the Earth First Glasgow offices and Helen Melone, for holding on to such a fascinating treasure trove of documents and cuttings over the years. And to Wallace McNeish for sharing documents and experiences from his research at the time. The protests and campaigns from Pollok Free State continue to have a legacy of community and commitment to your local environment and its people.

Keep an eye out for the next post in this series with Pollok Artists in Residence Hannah Brackston and Dan Sambo, who will share how they are drawing upon this piece of local heritage in workshops with young people in Pollok.

We are working to digitise aspects of our archive and create an online platform to browse the SGHET collections. In the meantime, if you would like to view any of the collection, for research or personal interests, or if you would like to donate anything, please do get in touch.

If this has brought up any memories of the time for you, we would love to hear from you, get in touch at info@sghet.com or via Facebook or Twitter.

By Romy Galloway

SGHET Board Member

Read the previous article: Pollok Free State and its Legacy

The post Pollok Free State: Archive Selections and Reflections appeared first on SGHET.

                 STARR Alliance leaflet, Spirit of Revolt Archive.

With the recent lockdown making us more aware of what we have locally, many in the Southside have a renewed gratitude for the incredible green space that is Pollok Country Park. Understanding the difference that access to a place like Pollok estate can make sheds some light on a fascinating aspect of the park’s history. In the early 1990s, local communities gained international attention for protesting against having their access to the park obstructed by a motorway.

Still from Given to the People, Yuill, 2008

During 1994 to 1996 Pollok Park was the site of an eco-camp named Pollok Free State, a space where protests against the construction of the M77 extension took many forms including, but not limited to: building and occupying treehouses in the park for almost two years; declaring an autonomous free state; local school strikes involving  around one hundred children; a land sculpture made of burnt out-cars dubbed ‘carhenge’; violent clashes with security firms and councillors; and hundreds of people marching through the city into the park.

The campsite became a meeting ground for people to engage in community through heritage, music, food, conversation, and activism. The ‘No M77’ campaign was primarily led by working class communities in the affected area, and uniquely for its time drew together social and class issues with environmental issues.

While the campaign was ultimately unable to stop the construction going ahead, the experience at Pollok Free State and the community built there left a legacy that continues to have an impact today.

“There’s going to be an outrage and we’re going to start it!” Colin MacLeod, local activist, 1993.

Still from What Do You Think You Have to Lose Here? YouTube, Macleod, 2011.

M77 proposal and Initial Opposition

In 1939 Sir John Stirling Maxwell created a conservation plan to keep the estate of Pollok open to Glaswegians, ‘that the open spaces and woodlands within the area shall remain for the enhancement of the beauty of the neighbourhood as well as the citizens of Glasgow’ (Haynes, 2016). In 1974 the National Trust for Scotland agreed to the proposed extension to the M77. It would cost £53.6m and cut through 7 miles of woodland and the south west side of Pollok park, removing direct access to the communities of Pollok, Corkerhill, and Mosspark. It is important to also remember that this campaign grew within the historical context of the M8 motorway, which saw great loss within the areas of Townhead, Cowcaddens, Charing Cross, Anderston and Kinning Park.

Opposition to the M77 plans began in 1978 with Corkerhill Community Council and other community groups, and in 1988 there was a 3-month public inquiry with multiple groups submitting opposition including Glasgow District Council and Glasgow for People. However, by 1992 preliminary construction had started. Its opponents included academics, transport consultants, politicians and environmentalists, who argued that it would increase air pollution and noise pollution, cause irreparable damage to woodland and wildlife habitats, and send 53,000 vehicles a day across the already overloaded Kingston Bridge.

The road department for the region cited a multitude of reasons in favour of the extension, including saving travel time for road users between Ayrshire and Glasgow, and improving road congestion by removing traffic from Giffnock, Thornliebank and Newton Mearns (Glasgow For People, 1994). The benefits were for neighbourhoods noted by Glasgow for People at the time as predominantly middle-class residential and shopping areas, and for car owners in general. By contrast it would not serve the communities local to the construction of the motorway, Mosspark, Corkerhill, Pollok, Nitshill, Carnwadric and Kennishead, where car ownership was significantly low, with Corkerhill being amongst the lowest percentage of car ownership in Europe, and where 1 in 5 children have asthma.

As many primary and secondary schools from these areas would see their recreational green space replaced with a motorway, the school children became heavily involved in the protests. Thanks to a lot of media documentation at the time you can watch some great videos of these kids critically engaging with the issue in an informed way. (https://archive.org/details/PollokFreeState, from 4:20)

 Still from Remembering Pollok Free State Archive Footage.

In 1994 STAR, Stop the Ayr Road Route Alliance, was launched, combining community and environmental groups. Arguments were made for relocating the resources to existing infrastructure, updating rail networks and public bus services. In the same year local man Colin MacLeod spent 9 days in a beech tree to prevent its felling by the construction company awarded the contract for the motorway. From this Pollok Free State emerged.

The Camp

Pollok campsite from Routledge, 1997.

Located in the Barrhead woods of Pollok estate which the proposed motorway would soon replace, the camp was a space for people to build together, share meals, skills, music and discussions, and physically stop the construction. An information board in the camp stated the intent to ‘create a positive alternative to the road by drawing upon the skills of the local community and by building an inspirational focal point for resistance and non-violent direct action should the democratic channels fails’ (Routledge, 1997).

The camp was made up of artists, scaffolders, tree surgeons, carpenters, musicians, cooks and people from the surrounding housing estates, who would visit and participate in ongoing work and meals. The number of people living in the camp would vary from 5 to 20, but during events like talks and workshops, numbers would rise. There were protest marches from George Square to the site at Pollok, on one occasion drawing around 300 people. The camp was well equipped, with substantial treehouses and even a wind-powered generator for a TV with a communal phone stationed above. In August 1994, they even declared independence from the UK and issued passports to over 1000 ‘citizens’.

 Colin MacLeod, Nicolson, 2008. 

Imagery and symbols used around the site referenced Australian aboriginal land rights and native American culture. Colin MacLeod had spent time in South Dakota in the late 1980s and met people of the Sioux tribes, where he was inspired by initiatives in the reservations working with problems of alcohol abuse in young people by ‘re-introducing them to their cultural roots’, and engaging them with their cultural heritage. Flags hung from trees stated, ‘Save our dear green place’. Residents taught traditional wood carving, and young kids from the surrounding estates were introduced to Gaelic poetry, story-telling and music about Scottish history. Some members remembering it as ‘an education’, there was even the proposal of the Pollok Free State University where a prospectus was drawn up.

 Still from What Do You Think You Have to Lose Here?

Political actions involved ‘holding public meetings, lobbying members of the Strathclyde Regional Council, leafleting communities around Pollok estate, conducting community centre meetings, and holding legal demonstrations and rallies’ (Routledge, 1997). Beyond this, protesters also disrupted the construction process by chaining themselves to equipment and trees.

On Valentine’s day in 1995 there was an attempt to evict people from the camp. It was surrounded by security; occupants were to be forcibly removed and treehouses cut down. However, the children of a nearby school who had been involved in the school strikes and protests heard of the attempt and marched through the police roadblocks stopping the eviction and saving much of the camp. This was followed by over 20 of the security staff quitting to take a stand alongside the protestors.

‘At the Pollok camp yesterday, one of the former guards, William Lang, 26, said he had changed sides because until last week he had not realised that most of the objectors were locals. “Before I went up there that morning I thought that the demonstrators were environmental nutters from Europe. But they are not. Most of them are from this part of the city – schoolchildren, young people, old people. I listened to what they were saying and saw the extent of what was proposed, and I just thought ‘Wait a minute. This is wrong” (Arlidge, 1995a).

Carhenge

Carhenge Routledge, 1997

Similarities with other anti-road protests and camps in east London against the M11 brought interest and support from other cities. Prompted by the Valentine’s day raid, a convoy of activists from England and Wales drove up in cars to perform ‘To Pollok with love’ a stunt designed to gain media attention. They created the large sculptural work ‘Carhenge’; half buried burnt out cars formed a circular Stonehenge-like formation on the site of the proposed motorway. Activists involved in the stunt claimed the burnt-out cars were intended to be symbolic of the decrease of the car’s use in modern society, as environmentalists argued for a future with more public transport and less individual car ownership. With the failing government at the time having pursued Thatcher’s brand of individualism that prioritised private transport, activists accused the local council of being ‘roads-obsessed’ and asked the motorway budget to be spent on public transport.

The Legacy of Pollok Free State

Leaflet from Spirit of Revolt Archive

Although the campaign did not prevent the development of the M77, the communities surrounding Pollok park continue to take initiative and interest in the use of the park and its spaces, with the Save Pollok Park Group campaign against the construction of an adventure park by Go Ape in 2008. The plan was given the go ahead by Glasgow city councillors, despite large opposition against it including the National Trust for Scotland and five community councils. Eventually Go Ape dropped the adventure park plans with the council expressing regret over the decision.

Simon Yuill who later made the film Given to the People which documents and remembers Pollok Free State said of it, “It was always about more than just the motorway. It was about public land that had been gifted to the people of Glasgow, who had not been given a say in what was to be done with it. That is something that still resonated very strongly with Glaswegians” (Nicolson, 2008).

“The M77 campaign not only showed that there was a diverse range of social groups opposed to road building schemes, it also articulated various counter-cultural, eco-political practices, of which Pollok Free State was the most dramatic” (Routledge, 1997).

It seems that when people talk of Pollok Free State they do not dwell on the campaign’s loss and the motorway. Rather, they focus on the sense of connectedness and participatory citizenship, the lessons learned from taking action and being engaged in your environment. It articulated an alternative approach, and created space for different inputs, rethinking how city space is structured, who for, and how to have a voice in the process.

Interviews with residents involved in the camp speak of the value of the experience personally, stating that time spent living and working together in the camp was more important than whether they stopped the road or not. For many just taking direct action within their surroundings toward issues that they cared about brought a sense of fulfilment (Routledge, 1997).

Many of those involved in Pollok Free State went on to be involved in similar initiatives, some members started a radical bookshop called Fahrenheit 451, and some started the Land Redemption Fund, an initiative to acquire land in Scotland to create sustainable communities. The influence of the camp and its community-building activities can also be seen in other Glasgow movements surrounding threatened spaces like the Kinning Park Complex and Govanhill Baths’ Save Our Pool campaigns.

The late Colin MacLeod who was such a central figure to Pollok Free State, has since been the subject of BBC documentary The Birdman of Pollok, which explores his involvement in the creation of the camp and his subsequent work creating GalGael, a Govan organisation that teaches carpentry and traditional ship building skills. GalGael said of Pollok Free State, “We lost the campaign but learned many things about how to make community in a difficult space; how to take responsibility, articulate our concerns and find common purpose.”

Do you remember the protests against the M77? Do you have any of your own memories of the campsite or Pollok Free State? We would love for you to share them with us. We are looking for material for our Community Archive, if you have any flyers, images, or a memory to share with us please get in touch. Extra points if anyone has a Pollok Free State Passport!

Contact info@sghet.com or message us @SGHETorg

Still from archive footage Remembering Pollok Free State.

By Romy Galloway

Published: 25th August 2020

Read the follow-up article: Pollok Free State: Archive Selections and Reflections

Read the third article in the series: The Pollok Free State Story Connecting with Young People Decades On

References

• Arlidge, John, ‘Scots Vow to Win Britain’s ‘Last Motorway Battle’, Independent (1995a).
• Arlidge, John, ‘Tory MP Fined £200 for Waving Pickaxe,’ Independent (1995b).
• BBC Alba, Birdman of Pollok, [Documentary] (2019).
• BBC, ‘Go Ape Drops Treetop Park Plans’ (2009).
• Crocket, James, ‘Not Going Away: Pollok Free State,’ Medium (2020).
• Glasgow for People, 1994, Instead of the Ayr road route.
• ‘Pollok Free State Remains Uninvaded,’ The Herald (1995).
• Haynes, N., ‘Pollok Park Conservation Area Appraisal,’ Glasgow City Council (2016).
• Macleod, Gehan, ‘What do you think you have to lose here? Pollok Free State’ [YouTube footage] (2011).
• M77 Motorway, Glasgow Motorway Archive.
• McNeish, Wallace The Anti-Roads Protest Movement in Nineties Britain a Sociological Interpretation (1999)
• Nicolson, Stuart, Film Tribute to the ‘Pollok Birdman’, BBC (2008).
• Pollok Free State, Pollok Free State, Archived video footage.
• ‘Pollok Free State Lives On!,’ Do or Die, issue 5 (1996): 7-10.
• Routledge, Paul, The Imagineering of Resistance: Pollok Free State and the Practice of Postmodern Politics, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, Vol. 22, No. 3 (1997): pp. 359-376.
• Seel, Ben, Strategies of Resistance at the Pollok Free State Road Protest Camp, Environmental Politics Vol. 6, No.4 (1997): pp. 108-139.
• Spirit of Revolt Archive, Pollok Free State, Flyers and Newspaper clippings.
• Yuill, Simon, Given To The People [film] (2008).

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